Morones was forced out of his cabinet post in Calles's government and the CROM declined in power and influence, with major defections of Mexico City unions, one of which was led by socialist Vicente Lombardo Toledano. 34, 41, 83, which discounts Cárdenas's ideological sympathy for the Spanish Republic, and Powell, T. G., ‘Mexico’, in Falcoff, Mark and Pike, Frederick T.
La situación económica
173–88. To put even more force into the government's position, it cancelled oil concessions dating to the Porfirato. 132 Aniceto López to Cárdenas, 8 April 1936, AGN/FLC 559.3/25, denounces the ‘odiosa camarilla’; of Sonoran Callistas, that is, ‘nefastos o corrompidos callistas que se hacen pasar por cardenistas disfrazados’. Cárdenas founded the National Polytechnic Institute in order to ensure the education and training of people to run the oil industry. [5] When he was chosen as the presidential candidate in 1934, no one expected him to be anything other than being loyal to Calles, the "Jefe Máximo", and power behind the presidency since 1929.[5]. As governor, Cárdenas also prioritized distribution of land at a time when President Calles was disillusioned by the program. [20] He also implemented educational reforms, particularly socialist education and the elimination of religious schooling. 129 Fowler Salamini, Agrarian Radicalism, pp. 202–3. 54 Múgica to Cárdenas, 15 Aug. and 30 Sept. 1937, AFM, vol.
His choice of his close associate Manuel Ávila Camacho rather than a candidate with a distinguished record as a revolutionary leader was displeasing to many, and occasioned a possible military revolt. 183–98. View all Google Scholar citations 125 Saragoza, The Monterrey Elite, p. 189. Benítez, Fernando, Ki: El drama de un pueblo y una planta (Mexico, 1985), gives no immediate background to the 1937 reparto. The companies appealed the government's decision to force companies to pay the wages to the Mexican Supreme Court, which ruled against them on March 1, 1938. La Confederación de Trabajadores…. He reached out to Mexican workers, as well as peasants, to whom he promised land reform. * I would like to thank Sr Alberto Partida of the Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City, for his valuable archival help and John Gledhill for his comments on an earlier draft of this article.
A major dam project on the Nazas River named for him was inaugurated in 1946. CURSO DE CIENCIAS SOCIALES II
V. La Confederación General de Obreros y Campesinos de México. 40 Conway, President of the Mexican Tramways Co., quoted in Murray, Mexico City, to Foreign Office, 17 Oct. 1935, FO 371/18703, 9251.
Cárdenas's calculation that the military's incorporation into the PRM would undermine its power was essentially correct, since it disappeared as a separate sector of the party, but was absorbed into the "popular" sector.[61]. [27] Cárdenas "believed that an organized peasantry would represent a political force capable of confronting the established landholding elite, as well as providing a critical voting block for the new Mexican state. [85] Since the government controlled the electoral process, the official results declared Ávila Camacho as winner; Almazán cried fraud and threatened revolt,[86] trying to set up a parallel government and congress. Cárdenas ensured that teachers were paid on time, personally inspected schools, and opened a hundred new rural schools. Actividad 1. Pla Brugat, 1989, quoted by Clara E. Lida (1993): "Los españoles en México: población, cultura y sociedad", in: Falcón Vega, Romana. 385–94. Los sindicatos católicos. La situación social
Indigenismo in Mexico § Indigenismo under Cárdenas, Institutional Revolutionary Party § PRM (1938–1946), "Lázaro Cárdenas, el presidente del pueblo", "Quién fue Lázaro Cárdenas y cuáles fueron sus aportaciones", "Lázaro Cárdenas, el presidente más popular que ha tenido México", "Mr. Clean: the phenomenon of Lázaro Cárdenas (1895–1970) : Mexico History", Faces of the Revolution: "Lazaro Cardenas", "Mexico – Cardenismo and the Revolution Rekindled", "Manuel Ávila Camacho – History.com Articles, Video, Pictures and Facts", Newspaper clippings about Lázaro Cárdenas, President of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, Authentic Party of the Mexican Revolution, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Lázaro_Cárdenas&oldid=983431337, Presidents of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, Candidates in the 1934 Mexican presidential election, Institutional Revolutionary Party politicians, Short description is different from Wikidata, Articles with unsourced statements from February 2015, Articles with unsourced statements from October 2015, Articles with unsourced statements from September 2014, Wikipedia articles with SNAC-ID identifiers, Wikipedia articles with SUDOC identifiers, Wikipedia articles with Trove identifiers, Wikipedia articles with WorldCat identifiers, Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License, destruction of the hacienda economy and creation of a collective system of, modern secular schools and eradicate the influence of the Catholic Church; and. Cárdenas gained support from the Catholic Church when he distanced himself from anticlerical policies.[37].
[5] After the death of his father, from age 16 Cárdenas supported his family (including his mother and seven younger siblings).
I have touched upon the subject in ‘Revolutionary Project, Recalcitrant People: Popular Culture and the Mexican Revolution’, in Jaime, Rodríguez O.
84 T. Fairbairn to R. Benson, 7, 10 Jan. 1938, Mexican Cotton Estates of Tlahualilo Papers, Kleinwort Benson Archive, Speen, Newbury, Berks, UK. (Mexico, 1976). [25] Although he could not go due to ill health, he defended Cárdenas's action against Luis Cabrera, who argued that the Ejidal Bank that Cárdenas established when he embarked on his sweeping redistribution of land was, in fact, making the Mexican state the new hacienda owner. 24 Hamilton, Limits of State Autonomy, pp.
For example, Consuelo Torres, a courthouse typist of Toluca, to Cárdenas, 17 Dec. 1935, AGN/DGG 2.331.8 (12) 723, caja 29A, catalogues a series of personal tribulations – dead father, sick mother, low pay, overdue rent for a single room in a casa de vecindad, concluding: ‘he abierto a ud mi corazón como si fuera ud mi padre’. [68] Cárdenas was not as left-wing as Leon Trotsky and other socialists would wish, but Trotsky described his government as the only honest one in the world. Castillo had a harrowing escape. 116, 119; Alberto Olvera, ‘The Rise and Fall of Union Democracy at Poza Rica, 1932–1940’, in Brown and Knight (eds. 36 Craig, The First Agraristas, pp.
As Cárdenas began to chart his own course and outflank Calles politically, he replaced Calles loyalists in 1935 with his own men. [73] He was “the last of the great military caciques of the Mexican Revolution who maintained his own quasi-private army,” and who constructed “his campesino fiefdom.”[73] Cárdenas's victory over Cedillo showed the power and consolidation of the newly reorganized Mexican state, but also a showdown between two former revolutionary generals in the political sphere. 55 Murray, Mexico City, to Foreign Office, 17 Sept. 1935, FO 371/18708, 8586, apropos of Reuben Clark.
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